This book is about one of the most intriguing and consequential political and governance relationships in contemporary Nigeria; specifically, the relationship between elected governors and their deputies and, indeed, more generally, the whole gamut of relationships between elected executives and their deputies from the federal, to state and the local government levels. And, it is a book written by a key player, who has been both an elected deputy governor for 8 years, as well as an elected governor for, now, almost 8 years. Few Nigerians can match that record and can therefore speak or write competently and authoritatively from the knowledge and practical experience of the subject matter, as Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the current Governor of Kano State.
In an array of fifteen (15) chapters, the author takes the reader on a lucid exploration of, first the Nigerian political and governance history; as well as interrelated theoretical underpinnings of a range of pertinent concepts, such as democracy, governance, good governance, democratic leadership, decentralization and local governance; monopoly of power, power sharing, decentralization and local governance. These are then contextualised in an elaborate discussion and analysis of political and governance leaderships in Nigeria, and how the complex patterns of political relationships and interactions in the governance sphere, amongst key elected leaders, impact upon the trajectory of Nigeria’s democratic and socioeconomic development. He reviews how such variables as psychological factors and socio-cultural values affect power relations, as well as how loyalty and sycophancy affect/impact upon power relations.
From the discourse in the book, one gleans significant aspects of the dynamics of power relations among the elected executives in Nigeria, and how the outcome in reality differs substantially from the ideal expectations for democratic development. For example, ideal expectations are that elected executives would be responsible and responsive to the needs and aspirations of those who elected them; that those elected on a “joint ticket” in particular, would work harmoniously as a team to deliver on the mandate given to them by the citizens, as voters; and to deliver this mandate successfully, through good democratic governance, delegation of authority, decentralization, or devolution of power, partnership and teamwork.
Instead, what obtains in reality, and in general is discourteous, disharmonious, acrimonious, even vindictive and, therefore, destabilising relationships, which are devoid of teamwork, cooperation and partnership; which are characterised by pettiness, power mongering and reckless selfishness; and which are essentially hinged upon concentration of power and authority in the elected executive (President, Governor, LGA Chairman), to the exclusion / neglect of those supposedly on the “joint ticket” (Vice President, Deputy Governor, Vice Chairman of LGA). Only few cases exist, of harmonious, collaborative working relationships, with arguably beneficial results for the citizens. Given this, one is compelled to pose the question: any wonder then, Nigeria has been muddling through democratic development without sufficient value-addition, and with a mountain of a baggage of undesirable outcomes?
The chapters of the book, which in particular succinctly highlight the nature of the relationship between the elected executive and his deputy and how it impacts upon the Nigerian political and democratization processes, with consequences, are: chapter Ten: “The Vice President: As Deputy”, chapter Fifteen: “Deputizing: A Personal Experience”; chapter Eleven: “Legal Implications of Deputizing: The Nigerian Experience”. And chapter Fourteen, which discusses “The Imperative of Harmonious Relationship between the Incumbent (Incoming) And Immediate Past (Outgoing) Political Leaders”.
In summary, the essence of the book, in my reckoning, is that: the relationship amongst top elected executives i.e. President / Vice President; Governor / Deputy Governor; and Chairman / Vice Chairman of LGA) in Nigerian politics and governance leaves much to be desired. It has not, in general, been cordial; it has indeed been frosty, frigid, conflict-ridden, characterized by distrust and often, even open quarrels; and it has thereby been obstructive of the aspirations of Nigerians for democratic development and good governance.
There are no specifically constitutionally defined responsibilities for the office of the Deputy Governor or even the Vice-President. Although elected on the same ticket, they literally serve at the pleasure of the person for whom they deputize. It is not for nothing that the concept of a “Spare tyre” came to be applied to the Deputy Governor/ Vice President, in Nigerian discourses; somebody that only becomes functional, briefly, when the car runs a ground!
In the relationship, as it currently obtains, in spite of the legal provisions for a “joint ticket” and requirements of courtesy and common decency, there’s often no delegation of authority, no power sharing, no inclusive participation; rather there is relegation, mutual distrust, disloyalty and/ or expectations of streaks of sycophancy. It gets so bad that some governors often instigate state legislators to “impeach” their deputies, and the legislators sheepishly, or recklessly, tag along (see Chapter Twelve: “Issues of Impeachment and Governance”).
Now, if it is any consolation, it is noteworthy that a similar pattern exists in the USA, our somewhat copied model of constitutional and democratic governance. In the USA, Vice Presidents, and in general Lieutenant Governors, who are akin to Nigerian Deputy Governors, suffer similar constitutional ‘neglect’ in terms of assignation of responsibilities. For example, it is said that Lieutenant Governors “get up, read the [news]paper, see if the governor is dead, if not, go back to sleep”! (Marinucci 2011). Also, it is noteworthy that in the USA, the best that could be said of the Vice President is that he is a principal adviser to the president and, even this, is a fairly recent development. Traditionally, even constitutionally, he/she serves as the President of the Senate and, the transition from a mainly legislative to a predominantly executive branch post is a 20th century development. The first Vice President to be invited to attend Cabinet meetings was
Calvin Coolidge, when he was Vice President to Warren Harding (192023). Even then, the Vice President’s primary responsibilities seem to be to merely serve on the National Security Council, act as a high-level representative to foreign heads of states and chair Special Commissions set up by the President. Otherwise, to just be the principal adviser to the president. Other roles are at the discretion of the President, and depending on shared vision, mutual respect for, and trust in, each other, he could have more or less, concretely assigned responsibilities.
The major difference between the Nigerian context and that of the USA, apart from the longer duration of democratic development and practice in the latter, is in my view, the criteria for candidate selection in forming the “joint ticket”. It is not just opportunistic political expediency for winning the votes, and getting into power, as seems to be predominantly the case in Nigeria; other key variables come into play, such as: competence and capacity; shared ideals and vision for the country; and mutual respect for each other in the larger interest of the citizens and the country. It would seem that in the Nigerian context, in significant contrast to the USA, the primary criteria in the choice of a deputy is a marriage of convenience for winning the elections; perceived value-addition to the electoral fortunes of the “Ticket”, with little if any regard for how to work together in governance, beyond the elections. In such a situation, conflicts and disagreements emerge almost immediately after winning elections, for a number of reasons: lack of shared vision becomes glaring; a sense of entitlement comes to the fore; scheming and intrigues ensue; mutual suspicions and distrust surface, reinforced by sycophants; ‘godfathers’ and money bags interfere and influence the nature of the evolving relationship, and so on.
In my view, this book has commendably highlighted the challenges posed by the opaqueness in the relationship between elected executives and their elected deputies and has made the case for sober reflections and appropriate reform measures, going forward, for nurturing and deepening Nigeria’s democratic development. One of the most sobering points to reflect upon, repeatedly asserted or inferred by the author in the book, is that, even if the role of the deputy is to be merely the replacement of the elected executive in waiting, as a sort of “spare tyre” for the “just in case”, he/she need to be in ‘good condition’, adequately prepared that “just in case”! That preparation and good conditioning, is better served by inclusiveness, participation and delegated responsibility / authority and a harmonious working relationship between the executive and the deputy. Thus, both the elected executive and his/her elected deputy have an obligation to negotiate how to work seamlessly together for good governance that would satisfy the needs and aspirations of the electorate who voted them into power and granted them the mandate to govern on a “joint ticket”.
However, also in my view, there’s more that the author could have said that hasn’t been said, relating to his personal experiences, as a Deputy Governor relating with the Governor, as the Governor relating with his Deputy Governor, and most especially, as the Governor, relating with his former ‘boss’, the immediate past Governor! For example, while in Chapter Fifteen (15), “Deputising: A Personal Experience”, the author notes:
In recalling my personal experiences, I realise vividly that all the negative variables and factors that normally cause friction, misunderstanding, and outright fight and struggle for relevance and supremacy with a governor were always evident and manifested at various points in the course of my relationship with my former Governor (p.299)
And, he discusses how ‘absolute loyalty’, avoiding the machinations of sycophants, and earning the respect of his principal, paved the way for a harmonious working relationship between him, as Deputy Governor and Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, as Governor, for 8 years. But what about details of how those “negative variables and factors” manifested themselves in their relationships, and how he/they managed and resolved them? Indeed, how about the nature of the relationship between the author, as the Governor, and his former leader and immediate past Governor? What lessons are there to be drawn and learnt?
The author acknowledges in the “Afterword” (p.327) that “This story… is reserved for another day’! Exciting our interest, and wetting our appetite and expectation for a sequel Volume Two of the book, which is highly desirable, and which should address these outstanding matters, as soon as possible. Clearly, it is not only relationship during, that impacts upon governance; even relationship after, does so, perhaps with more wide-ranging consequences.
On another note, one also wonders, Nigeria being what it is, whether disputes / quarrels between governors and deputies are/or could be over sharing of “booty”, the spoils of electoral victory and assumption of power in governance?! This is just wondering aloud, the Nigerian way!
On a final note, without being pedantic, as a scholar of modest means that seeks fastidiousness, if/when the second edition of the book is produced, perhaps matters of spelling and references, and factual or historical inaccuracies, of which academics could be fussy about, and which abound, should be appropriately addressed. In particular, there is need to fully reference all materials used in the book, especially when quoted, in the list of references.
In conclusion, I affirm that, in general, this book, Deputising and Governance in Nigeria is an intellectually engaging book, quite rich as well as thought-provoking, and worthy of acquisition and reading by all: both general purpose readers, students and scholars of Nigerian politics; and especially aspiring or professional politicians, who aspire to be elected executives or their deputies, at all levels /tiers of governance. Each would find immense benefit in reading and digesting the contents of this book, which I highly recommend to all.
The commendable effort by Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who in spite of his very busy schedule as Governor, still spared time to draw on his knowledge and experience to write this timeous book, is worthy of emulation. There are many Nigerians who have held high positions of leadership and responsibility, who have as yet bottled up their knowledge and experience; but who truly need to write books, either by themselves or by ghost writers, to share that knowledge and experience for appropriate lessons to be learnt in our quest for improved politics through good governance and democratic development. They should please follow the worthy example of Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, may Allah reward him appropriately for this effort.
Thank you and God bless.
- Attahiru Jega, former INEC chairman, is of the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano
