ColumnOpinion

The lights are on, but nobody is home

A government is judged not by the speeches it makes, but by the lives its people live.”

President Tinubu’s administration came to office promising bold reforms that would rescue Nigeria from years of economic stagnation. Few serious observers denied that the country required difficult decisions. Fuel subsidies had become fiscally unsustainable, the foreign exchange system was distorted, public debt was rising, and investor confidence had weakened. Reform was inevitable.

The real question was never whether reforms were necessary. It was whether they would be designed to protect ordinary Nigerians while laying the foundation for sustainable growth. Three years later, millions of Nigerians have their own answer.

The government points to “rising government revenues”, “improved foreign reserves”, “a more unified exchange-rate system”, and “growing international confidence”. International financial institutions have “praised” the administration’s willingness to implement politically difficult reforms. Ironically, these institutions also never failed to state that serious corruption, accountability and transparency issues of the government have made the worst in Nigeria. However, each time this happens, it gives the government officials a filed day trying to speak of recovery, resilience, and renewed hope that never exist.

The reality confronting ordinary Nigerians tells a different story. Food inflation has eroded household incomes. Transport costs remain painfully high. Small businesses struggle under rising operating costs. Salaries that once sustained families now disappear within weeks. Economic recovery, for many citizens, exists more in official presentations than in their daily lives.

This is where politics enters economics. Whether by design or by miscalculation, the President Tinubu implemented two of the country’s most consequential economic reforms almost simultaneously—the removal of fuel subsidies and the liberalization of the naira. The combined shock rippled through every sector of the economy. Inflation surged. Purchasing power collapsed. The middle class shrank under the weight of rising costs. Naturally, supporters argue that such pain was unavoidable. Critics counter that the reforms were poorly sequenced, insufficiently cushioned, and imposed without adequate social protection.

History reminds us that governments survive economic hardship not because citizens enjoy the pain, but because leaders eventually present stabilization as proof of successful leadership. When an economy begins recovering after a severe disruption, the government naturally claims credit for the improvement. The political narrative shifts from the suffering that accompanied reform to the progress that follows it.

This creates an uncomfortable paradox. A government may eventually campaign on improvements from conditions that its own policies significantly intensified. History offers several cautionary examples.

The Roman Emperor Diocletian inherited an empire plagued by inflation, currency debasement, and political instability. His response was sweeping state intervention, including the famous Edict on Maximum Prices. The intention was to restore stability, yet excessive controls disrupted markets and proved impossible to enforce. The lesson is not that reform itself is wrong, but that economic engineering imposed from above can produce consequences far beyond what governments anticipate.

Another example comes from Louis XVI. France’s monarchy faced an overwhelming fiscal crisis, rising food prices, and widespread public hardship. The monarchy introduced reforms too slowly and too inconsistently to restore public confidence. Citizens did not judge the government solely by official statistics or promises of future prosperity. They judged it by the price of bread and the ability to feed their families. When governments become disconnected from everyday hardship, legitimacy begins to erode.

The collapse of the Russian Empire under Nicholas II offers another lesson. Military failures certainly mattered, but so did inflation, shortages, and declining living standards. Economic suffering weakened trust in government long before political authority finally collapsed. History demonstrates that legitimacy depends not only on macroeconomic indicators but also on whether ordinary people believe their lives are improving.

These examples are not identical to Nigeria’s circumstances. Democracies differ from monarchies and empires, and historical analogies should be drawn carefully. Yet they reveal a recurring truth that governments that underestimate the political consequences of prolonged economic hardship discover that improving statistics alone cannot rebuild public trust. This is why the current political conversation deserves close scrutiny.

As the country moves closer to the next election cycle, Nigerians will likely hear increasing emphasis on stabilizing inflation, improving fiscal revenues, attracting investment, and expanding infrastructure. Those achievements, where genuine, deserve recognition. Economic stability is important. But citizens are equally entitled to ask a more difficult question. How much of today’s recovery simply represents climbing out of a hole that became deeper because of the way reforms were implemented?

This question goes to the heart of democratic accountability. The issue is not whether government should celebrate positive developments. The issue is whether those improvements should erase honest debate about the scale of hardship being experienced by millions during the transition.

Economic reform should not become political theatre in which today’s relief overshadows yesterday’s suffering. For Nigerians, the central concern is not ideological. It is practical. Can they afford food? Can they pay school fees? Can they run a small business without crippling costs? Can they travel to work? Can they save for the future?

Those questions determine whether citizens believe reform has succeeded. Supporters of the administration argue that difficult decisions today will produce prosperity tomorrow. That possibility cannot be dismissed. Structural reforms do require patience before their benefits become visible. Yet patience is not limitless.

Governments earn public confidence when citizens believe sacrifice is fairly shared, transparently managed, and directed toward measurable improvements in everyday life. Confidence weakens when hardship appears open-ended while political messaging grows increasingly optimistic. Perhaps this explains the growing disconnect between official narratives and public sentiment.

The lights of government remain brightly illuminated. Economic dashboards display encouraging indicators. International institutions sometimes acknowledge policy changes. Ministers point to reforms that, in time, may strengthen Nigeria’s economic foundations. But inside many Nigerian homes, the story is different. Families count every naira before entering the market. Entrepreneurs postpone expansion because uncertainty has become the norm. Young graduates question whether opportunity still exists at home.

The distance between official optimism and lived experience remains substantial. If the administration ultimately succeeds in delivering broad-based prosperity, history will acknowledge that achievement. If, however, recovery becomes little more than a campaign slogan built upon suffering that citizens continue to endure, Nigerians will judge it differently.

History teaches that governments rarely lose legitimacy because they undertake difficult reforms. They lose legitimacy when citizens conclude that those reforms have demanded endless sacrifice while delivering too little relief. The lights may indeed be on. The unanswered question is whether those entrusted with governing still hear the voices inside the house.

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